The Enemy-Industrial Complex
Posted on Apr 16, 2013
By Tom Engelhardt, TomDispatch
In response to Monday’s bombings
at the Boston Marathon, Tom Engelhardt wrote the following on
TomDispatch’s Facebook page Tuesday:
It’s exactly when we experience a
nightmare like yesterday’s bombing of the Boston Marathon that we need a
serious assessment of risk and danger in this country. An event like
this, horrific as it is, and the panic that goes with it will inevitably
be the spark for yet greater investment, both emotionally and
financially, in the national security state, greater up-armoring of the
police, a further militarization of society, further moves to give
latitude to intelligence agencies as they search amongst us, and so on.
Perhaps counterintuitively, this is exactly the moment for a piece like
the one I wrote yesterday – though obviously I had no crystal ball and
couldn’t see a terror bombing coming – on the general lack of major
enemies in our American world. The panic of a terrible event like this
makes us even blinder to reality, to what dangers we actually face (and
don’t face), globally and locally. The murder of innocents is always a
terrible and tragic thing, but it’s also a moment to suck it up and not
plunge deeper into the twenty-first century American Big Muddy. Terror
is a horrific thing, but it does not truly endanger us as a country. It
is, in many ways, strangely helpless, even when it can kill and wound
small (or even, as on 9/11, large) numbers of people. Give into it and
you’re not really “safe,” you’re just in another America.
This piece first appeared at TomDispatch.
The communist enemy, with the “world’s fourth largest military,” has been trundling missiles around and threatening the United States with nuclear obliteration. Guam, Hawaii, Washington: all, it claims, are targetable. The coverage in the media has been hair-raising. The U.S. is rushing an untested missile defense system to Guam, deploying missile-interceptor ships off the South Korean coast, sending “nuclear capable” B-2 Stealth bombers thousands of miles on mock bombing runs, pressuring China, and conducting large-scale war games with its South Korean ally.
Only one small problem: there is as yet little evidence that the enemy with a few nuclear weapons facing off (rhetorically at least) against an American arsenal of 4,650 of them has the ability to miniaturize
and mount even one on a missile, no less deliver it accurately, nor
does it have a missile capable of reaching Hawaii or Washington, and I
wouldn’t count on Guam either.
It also happens to be a desperate country, one possibly without enough fuel to fly a modern air force, whose people, on average, are inches shorter
than their southern neighbors thanks to decades of intermittent famine
and malnutrition, and who are ruled by a bizarre three-generational
family cult. If that other communist, Karl Marx, hadn’t once famously
written that history repeats itself “first as tragedy, then as farce,”
we would have had to invent the phrase for this very moment.
In the previous century, there were two
devastating global wars, which left significant parts of the planet in
ruins. There was also a “cold war” between two superpowers locked in a
system of mutual assured destruction
(aptly acronymed as MAD) whose nuclear arsenals were capable of
destroying the planet many times over. Had you woken up any morning in
the years between December 7, 1941, and December 26, 1991,
and been told that the leading international candidate for America’s
Public Enemy Number One was Kim Jong-un’s ramshackle, comic-opera regime
in North Korea, you might have gotten down on your hands and knees and
sent thanks to pagan gods.
The same would be true for the other
candidates for that number one position since September 11, 2001: the
original al-Qaeda (largely decimated), al-Qaeda in the Arabian
Peninsula located in poverty-stricken areas of poverty-stricken Yemen,
the Taliban in poverty-stricken Afghanistan, unnamed jihadis
scattered across poverty-stricken areas of North Africa, or Iran,
another rickety regional power run by not particularly adept theocrats.
All these years, we’ve been launching wars
and pursuing a “global war on terror.” We’ve poured money into
national security as if there were no tomorrow. From our police to our borders,
we’ve up-armored everywhere. We constantly hear about “threats” to us
and to the “homeland.” And yet, when you knock on the door marked
“Enemy,” there’s seldom anyone home.
Few in this country have found this
striking. Few seem to notice any disjuncture between the enemy-ridden,
threatening, and deeply dangerous world we have been preparing ourselves
for (and fighting in) this last decade-plus and the world as it
actually is, even those who lived through significant parts of the last
anxiety-producing, bloody century.
You know that feeling when you wake up and
realize you’ve had the same recurrent nightmare yet again? Sometimes,
there’s an equivalent in waking life, and here’s mine: every now and
then, as I read about the next move in the spreading war on terror, the
next drone assassination, the next ratcheting up of the surveillance
game, the next expansion of the secrecy that envelops our government,
the next set of expensive actions taken to guard us—all of this
justified by the enormous threats and dangers that we face—I think to
myself: Where’s the enemy? And then I wonder: Just what kind of a dream
is this that we’re dreaming?
A Door Marked “Enemy” and No One Home
Let’s admit it: enemies can have their
uses. And let’s admit as well that it’s in the interest of some in our
country that we be seen as surrounded by constant and imminent dangers
on an enemy-filled planet. Let’s also admit that the world is and
always will be a dangerous place in all sorts of ways.
Still, in American terms, the
bloodlettings, the devastations of this new century and the last years
of the previous one have been remarkably minimal or distant; some of the
worst, as in the multi-country war over the Congo with its more than five million dead
have passed us by entirely; some, even when we launched them, have
essentially been imperial frontier conflicts, as in Iraq and
Afghanistan, or interventions of little cost (to us) as in Libya, or
frontier patrolling operations as in Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, and
Northern Africa. (It was no mistake that, when Washington launched its
special operations raid on Abbottabad, Pakistan, to get Osama bin Laden,
it was given the code name “Geronimo” and the message from the SEAL team recording his death was “Geronimo-E KIA” or “enemy killed in action.”)
And let’s admit as well that, in the wake
of those wars and operations, Americans now have more enemies, more
angry, embittered people who would like to do us harm than on September
10, 2001. Let’s accept that somewhere out there are people who, as
George W. Bush once liked to say, “hate us” and what we stand for. (I leave just what we actually stand for to you, for the moment.)
So let’s consider those enemies briefly.
Is there a major state, for instance, that falls into this category,
like any of the great warring imperial European powers from the
sixteenth century on, or Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan in World War
II, or the Soviet Union of the Cold War era? Of course not.
There was admittedly a period when, in
order to pump up what we faced in the world, analogies to World War II
and the Cold War were rife. There was, for instance, George W. Bush’s
famed rhetorical construct, the Axis of Evil
(Iraq, Iran, and North Korea), patterned by his speechwriter on the
German-Italian-Japanese “axis” of World War II. It was, of course, a
joke construct, if reality was your yardstick. Iraq and Iran were then
enemies. (Only in the wake of the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq
have they become friends and allies.)
And North Korea had nothing whatsoever to do with either of them.
Similarly, the American occupation of Iraq was once regularly compared to the U.S. occupations of Germany and Japan, just as Saddam Hussein had long been presented as a modern Hitler.
In addition, al-Qaeda-style Islamists were regularly referred to as Islamofascists,
while certain military and neocon types with a desire to turn the war
on terror into a successor to the Cold War took to calling it “the long war,” or even “World War IV.” But all of this was so wildly out of whack that it simply faded away.
As for who’s behind that door marked “Enemy,” if you opened it, what would you find? As a start, scattered hundreds or, as the years have gone by, thousands of jihadis,
mostly in the poorest backlands of the planet and with little ability
to do anything to the United States. Next, there were a few minority
insurgencies, including the Taliban and allied forces in Afghanistan and
separate Sunni and Shia ones in Iraq. There also have been tiny
numbers of wannabe Islamic terrorists in the U.S. (once you take away the string of FBI sting operations
that have regularly turned hopeless slackers and lost teenagers into
the most dangerous of fantasy Muslim plotters). And then, of course,
there are those two relatively hapless regional powers, Iran and North
Korea, whose bark far exceeds their potential bite.
The Wizard of Oz on 9/11
The U.S., in other words, is probably in
less danger from external enemies than at any moment in the last
century. There is no other imperial power on the planet capable of, or
desirous of, taking on American power directly, including China. It’s
true that, on September 11, 2001, 19 hijackers with box cutters produced
a remarkable, apocalyptic, and devastating TV show in which almost 3,000 people died. When those giant towers in downtown New York collapsed, it certainly had the look of nuclear disaster (and in those first days, the media was filled was nuclear-style references), but it wasn’t actually an apocalyptic event.
The enemy was still nearly nonexistent. The act cost bin Laden only an estimated $400,000-$500,000, though it would lead to a series of trillion-dollar wars. It was a nightmarish event that had a malign Wizard of Oz quality
to it: a tiny man producing giant effects. It in no way endangered the
state. In fact, it would actually strengthen many of its powers. It
put a hit on the economy, but a passing one. It was a spectacular and
spectacularly gruesome act of terror by a small, murderous organization
then capable of mounting a major operation somewhere on Earth only once
every couple of years. It was meant to spread fear, but nothing more.
When the towers came down and you could
suddenly see to the horizon, it was still, in historical terms,
remarkably enemy-less. And yet 9/11 was experienced here as a Pearl
Harbor moment—a sneak attack by a terrifying enemy meant to disable the
country. The next day, newspaper headlines were filled with variations on
“A Pearl Harbor of the Twenty-First Century.” If it was a repeat of
December 7, 1941, however, it lacked an imperial Japan or any other
state to declare war on, although one of the weakest partial states on
the planet, the Taliban’s Afghanistan, would end up filling the bill
adequately enough for Americans.
To put this in perspective, consider two
obvious major dangers in U.S. life: suicide by gun and death by car. In
2010, more than 19,000
Americans killed themselves using guns. (In the same year, there were
“only” 11,000 homicides nationwide.) In 2011, 32,000 Americans died in
traffic accidents (the lowest figure in 60 years, though it was again on the rise
in the first six months of 2012). In other words, Americans accept
without blinking the equivalent yearly of more than six 9/11s in
suicides-by-gun and more than 10 when it comes to vehicular deaths.
Similarly, had the underwear bomber, to take one post-9/11 example of
terrorism, succeeded in downing Flight 253
and murdering its 290 passengers, it would have been a horrific act of
terror; but he and his compatriots would have had to bring down 65
planes to reach the annual level of weaponized suicides and more than
110 planes for vehicular deaths.
And yet no one has declared war on either
the car or the gun (or the companies that make them or the people who
sell them). No one has built a massive, nearly trillion-dollar
car-and-gun-security-complex to deal with them. In the case of guns,
quite the opposite is true, as the post-Newtown debate over gun control
has made all too clear. On both scores, Americans have decided to live
with perfectly real dangers and the staggering carnage that accompanies
them, constraining them on occasion or sometimes not at all.
Despite the carnage of 9/11, terrorism has been a small-scale
American danger in the years since, worse than shark attacks, but not
much else. Like a wizard, however, what Osama bin Laden and his suicide
bombers did that day was create an instant sense of an enemy so big, so
powerful, that Americans found “war” a reasonable response; big enough
for those who wanted an international police action against al-Qaeda to
be laughed out of the room; big enough to launch an invasion of revenge
against Iraq, a country unrelated to al-Qaeda; big enough, in fact, to
essentially declare war on the world. It took next to no time for top
administration officials to begin talking about targeting 60 countries, and as journalist Ron Suskind has reported,
within six days of the attack, the CIA had topped that figure,
presenting President Bush with a “Worldwide Attack Matrix,” a plan that
targeted terrorists in 80 countries.
What’s remarkable is how little the
disjuncture between the scope and scale of the global war that was
almost instantly launched and the actual enemy at hand was ever noted
here. You could certainly make a reasonable argument that, in these
years, Washington has largely fought no one—and lost. Everywhere it
went, it created enemies who had, previously, hardly existed and the
process is ongoing.
Had you been able to time-travel back to the Cold War era to inform
Americans that, in the future, our major enemies would be in
Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia, Mali, Libya, and so on, they would surely
have thought you mad (or lucky indeed).
Creating an Enemy-Industrial Complex
Without an enemy of commensurate size and
threat, so much that was done in Washington in these years might have
been unattainable. The vast national security building and spending spree—stretching from the Virginia suburbs of Washington, where the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency erected its new $1.8 billion headquarters, to Bluffdale, Utah, where the National Security Agency is still constructing a $2 billion, one-million-square-foot data center for storing the world’s intercepted communications—would have been unlikely.
Without the fear of an enemy capable of
doing anything, money at ever escalating levels would never have poured
into homeland security, or the Pentagon, or a growing complex of crony
corporations associated with our weaponized safety. The exponential
growth of the national security complex, as well as of the powers of the executive branch when it comes to national security matters, would have far been less likely.
Without 9/11 and the perpetual “wartime”
that followed, along with the heavily promoted threat of terrorists
ready to strike and potentially capable of wielding biological,
chemical, or even nuclear weapons, we would have no Department of Homeland Security nor the lucrative mini-homeland-security complex that surrounds it; the 17-outfit U.S. Intelligence Community with its massive $75 billion official budget would have been far less impressive; our endless drone wars and the “drone lobby” that goes with them might never have developed; and the U.S. military would not have an ever growing secret military,
the Joint Special Operations Command, gestating inside it—effectively
the president’s private army, air force, and navy—and already conducting largely secret operations across much of the planet.
For all of this to happen, there had to be
an enemy-industrial complex as well, a network of crucial figures and
institutions ready to pump up the threat we faced and convince Americans
that we were in a world so dangerous that rights, liberty, and privacy
were small things to sacrifice for American safety. In short, any
number of interests from Bush administration figures eager to “sweep it all up” and do whatever they wanted in the world to weapons makers, lobbyists, surveillance outfits, think tanks, military intellectuals,
assorted pundits… well, the whole national and homeland security racket
and its various hangers-on had an interest in beefing up the enemy.
For them, it was important in the post-9/11 era that threats would never
again lack a capital “T” or a hefty dollar sign.
And don’t forget a media that was ready to
pound the drums of war and emphasize what dangerous enemies lurked in
our world with remarkably few second thoughts. Post-9/11, major media
outlets were generally prepared to take the enemy-industrial complex’s
word for it and play every new terrorist incident as if it were
potentially the end of the world. Increasingly as the years went on,
jobs, livelihoods, an expanding world of “security” depended on the
continuance of all this, depended, in short, on the injection of regular doses of fear into the body politic.
That was the “favor” Osama bin Laden did
for Washington’s national security apparatus and the Bush administration
on that fateful September morning. He engraved an argument in the
American brain that would live on indelibly for years, possibly decades,
calling for eternal vigilance at any cost and on a previously unknown
scale. As the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), that neocon think-tank-cum-shadow-government,
so fatefully put it in “Rebuilding America’s Defenses” a year before
the 9/11 attacks: “Further, the process of transformation [of the
military], even if it brings revolutionary change, is likely to be a
long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event—like a new Pearl
Harbor.”
So when the new Pearl Harbor arrived out of
the blue, with many PNAC members (from Vice President Dick Cheney on
down) already in office, they naturally saw their chance. They created
an al-Qaeda on steroids and launched their “global war” to establish a Pax Americana,
in the Middle East and then perhaps globally. They were aware that
they lacked opponents of the stature of those of the previous century
and, in their documents,
they made it clear that they were planning to ensure no future
great-power-style enemy or bloc of enemy-like nations would arise. Ever.
For this, they needed an American public anxious, frightened, and ready
to pay. It was, in other words, in their interest to manipulate us.
And if that were all there were to it, our world would be a grim, but
simple enough place. As it happens, it’s not. Ruling elites, no matter
what power they have, don’t work that way. Before they manipulate us,
they almost invariably manipulate themselves.
I was convinced of this years ago by a
friend who had spent a lot of time reading early Cold War documents from
the National Security Council—from, that is, a small group of powerful
governmental figures writing to and for each other in the utmost
secrecy. As he told me then and wrote in Washington’s China,
the smart book he did on the early U.S. response to the establishment
of the People’s Republic of China, what struck him in the documents was
the crudely anti-communist language those men used in private with each
other. It was the sort of anti-communism you might otherwise have
assumed Washington’s ruling elite would only have wielded to manipulate
ordinary Americans with fears of Communist subversion, the “enemy
within,” and Soviet plans to take over the world. (In fact, they and
others like them would use just such language to inject fear into the
body politic in those early Cold War years, that era of McCarthyism.)
They were indeed manipulative men, but
before they influenced other Americans they assumedly underwent
something like a process of collective auto-hypnotism in which they
convinced one another of the dangers they needed the American people to
believe in. There is evidence that a similar process took place in the
aftermath of 9/11. From the flustered look on George W. Bush’s face as
his plane took him not toward but away from Washington on September 11, 2001, to the image of Dick Cheney, in those early months, being chauffeured
around Washington in an armored motorcade with a “gas mask and a
biochemical survival suit” in the backseat, you could sense that the
enemy loomed large and omnipresent for them. They were, that is,
genuinely scared, even if they were also ready to make use of that fear
for their own ends.
Or consider the issue of Saddam Hussein’s
supposed weapons of mass destruction, that excuse for the invasion of
Iraq. Critics of the invasion are generally quick to point out how that
bogus issue was used by the top officials of the Bush administration to
gain public support for a course that they had already chosen. After
all, Cheney and his men cherry-picked the evidence to make their case, even formed
their own secret intel outfit to give them what they needed, and
ignored facts at hand that brought their version of events into
question. They publicly claimed in an orchestrated way that Saddam had active nuclear and WMD programs. They spoke in the most open ways of potential mushroom clouds from (nonexistent) Iraqi nuclear weapons rising over American cities, or of those same cities being sprayed
with (nonexistent) chemical or biological weapons from (nonexistent)
Iraqi drones. They certainly had to know that some of this information
was useful but bogus. Still, they had clearly also convinced themselves
that, on taking Iraq, they would indeed find some Iraqi WMD to justify
their claims.
In his soon-to-be-published book, Dirty Wars,
Jeremy Scahill cites the conservative journalist Rowan Scarborough on
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld’s growing post-invasion irritation
over the search for Iraqi WMD sites. “Each morning,” wrote Scarborough,
“the crisis action team had to report that another location was a
bust. Rumsfeld grew angrier and angrier. One officer quoted him as
saying, ‘They must be there!’ At one briefing, he picked up the
briefing slides and tossed them back at the briefers.”
In other words, those top officials
hustling us into their global war and their long-desired invasion of
Iraq had also hustled themselves into the same world with a similar set
of fears. This may seem odd, but given the workings of the human mind,
its ability to comfortably hold potentially contradictory thoughts most
of the time without disturbing itself greatly, it’s not.
A similar phenomenon undoubtedly took place
in the larger national security establishment where self-interest
combined easily enough with fear. After all, in the post-9/11 era, they
were promising us one thing: something close to 100% “safety”
when it came to one small danger in our world—terrorism. The fear that
the next underwear bomber might get through surely had the American
public—but also the American security state—in its grips. After all,
who loses the most if another shoe bomber strikes, another ambassador goes down, another 9/11 actually happens? Whose job, whose world, will be at stake then?
They may indeed be a crew of Machiavellis,
but they are also acolytes in the cult of terror and global war. They
live in the Cathedral of the Enemy. They were the first believers and
they will undoubtedly be the last ones as well. They are invested in
the importance of the enemy. It’s their religion. They are, after all,
the enemy-industrial complex and if we are in their grip, so are they.
The comic strip character Pogo once famously declared: “We have met the enemy and he is us.” How true. We just don’t know it yet.
Tom Engelhardt, co-founder of the American Empire Project and author of The United States of Fear as well as a history of the Cold War, The End of Victory Culture, runs the Nation Institute’s TomDispatch.com. His latest book, co-authored with Nick Turse, is Terminator Planet: The First History of Drone Warfare, 2001-2050.
Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch book, Nick Turse’s The Changing Face of Empire: Special Ops, Drones, Proxy Fighters, Secret Bases, and Cyberwarfare.
Copyright 2013 Tom Engelhardt
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